David Horowitz
Biography of David Horowitz
Full Name and Common Aliases
David Joel Horowitz, commonly known simply as David Horowitz, is a prominent figure in American political discourse. Over the years, he has been recognized by various aliases, including a former identity as a left-wing radical and later as a conservative commentator and author.
Birth and Death Dates
David Horowitz was born on January 10, 1939. As of the latest available information, he is still alive and continues to contribute to political discussions and writings.
Nationality and Profession(s)
David Horowitz is an American national. His professional journey has seen him wear many hats, including that of an author, conservative commentator, and activist. He is also the founder of the David Horowitz Freedom Center, an organization dedicated to promoting conservative values.
Early Life and Background
David Horowitz was born in Forest Hills, New York, into a family deeply rooted in leftist ideology. His parents, Phil and Blanche Horowitz, were educators and members of the Communist Party USA, which significantly influenced his early worldview. Horowitz attended Columbia University, where he earned a bachelor's degree in English, and later pursued a master's degree in English literature at the University of California, Berkeley. His early life was marked by a strong commitment to Marxist principles, which he later renounced.
Major Accomplishments
David Horowitz's career is marked by a significant ideological transformation from a Marxist intellectual to a leading conservative voice. In the 1960s and 1970s, he was a prominent figure in the New Left movement, co-editing the influential magazine Ramparts. However, his disillusionment with leftist politics, particularly after the murder of a friend by the Black Panther Party, led to a dramatic shift in his beliefs.
In the 1980s, Horowitz emerged as a staunch advocate for conservative causes. He founded the Center for the Study of Popular Culture, later renamed the David Horowitz Freedom Center, which became a platform for his conservative activism. His work has been instrumental in shaping conservative thought and policy in the United States.
Notable Works or Actions
David Horowitz is the author of numerous books and articles that have contributed to political discourse in America. Some of his notable works include Radical Son: A Generational Odyssey, an autobiography detailing his ideological journey, and The Black Book of the American Left, a series of essays critiquing leftist ideology. His writings often explore themes of political radicalism, cultural criticism, and the defense of Western values.
Horowitz is also known for his "Academic Bill of Rights," a campaign aimed at promoting intellectual diversity and combating perceived liberal bias in American universities. This initiative sparked widespread debate about academic freedom and the role of politics in education.
Impact and Legacy
David Horowitz's impact on American politics is significant, particularly in the realm of conservative thought. His transformation from a leftist radical to a conservative advocate is often cited as a powerful narrative of ideological change. Through his writings, speeches, and activism, Horowitz has influenced public policy and contributed to the broader conservative movement.
His legacy is also marked by controversy, as his outspoken views have often sparked heated debates. Nonetheless, his contributions to political discourse and his efforts to challenge prevailing narratives have left an indelible mark on American society.
Why They Are Widely Quoted or Remembered
David Horowitz is widely quoted and remembered for his unique perspective on political ideology and his ability to articulate complex ideas in an accessible manner. His journey from the radical left to the conservative right provides a compelling narrative that resonates with many who have experienced similar ideological shifts.
Horowitz's critiques of leftist politics and his defense of conservative values have made him a prominent figure in political discussions. His works continue to be referenced by those seeking to understand the dynamics of American political thought and the ongoing cultural and ideological battles within the country.
In summary, David Horowitz's life and work offer valuable insights into the complexities of political ideology and the power of personal transformation. His contributions to political discourse ensure that his voice remains influential and relevant in contemporary debates.
Quotes by David Horowitz
David Horowitz's insights on:
Politics is about winning. If you don't win, you don't get to put your principles into practice. Therefore, find a way to win, or sit the battle out.
In practice, socialism didn't work. But socialism could never have worked because it is based on false premises about human psychology and society, and gross ignorance of human economy.
Memoirs and historical monographs by New Left historians painted a virginal portrait of radical protesters, rewriting the history of the period on a scale that would have seemed impossible outside the Communist bloc. In his own memoir, Hayden includes pages of excerpts from his FBI file, interspersed with disingenuous presentations of his political career that keep his readers in the dark about many of the far-from-innocent activities in which he actual1y engaged.
In 1971, when still a radical, I wrote a widely-read article in Ramparts attacking the Weather Underground for its terrorist ideas and practices.
It was what I believed to be the humanity of the Marxist idea that made me what I was then; it is the inhumanity of what I have seen to be the Marxist reality that has made me what I am now.
Republicans lost control of the narrative because they never held the Democrats accountable for their betrayal.
The current dimensions of the left’s intellectual crisis are more readily grasped in a writer like Noam Chomsky, who, as an anarchist, has never had illusions about existing “socialisms” and has no attachment, intellectual or visceral, to pristine Marxism. Chomsky’s intellectual integrity and moral courage, to my mind, set a standard for political intellectuals.4 Yet in a manner that is not only characteristic of the non-Trotskyist left but seems endemic to its.
As the Southern Poverty Law Center explained: “white skin privilege is not something that white people necessarily do, create or enjoy on purpose,” but is rather an unavoidable consequence of the “transparent preference for whiteness that saturates our society.” In other words, even if white Americans were no longer racists, they were.
Like most of the left’s leaders, I was a Marxist and a socialist. I believed in the “dialectic” of history and therefore, even though I knew that the societies calling themselves Marxist were ruled by ruthless dictatorships, I believed they would soon evolve into socialist democracies. I attributed their negative features to under-development and to the capitalist pasts from which they had emerged.